ICC überschreitet unwiderruflich die Grenze des rechtlichen Anstands

Der ICC ist eine Schande für das Recht in all seinen zivilisierten Formen. Die Vertragsparteien sollten aufgefordert werden, sich aus ihm zurückzuziehen, solange es ihnen noch möglich ist, eine Blamage durch Assoziierung zu vermeiden.

Der rassistische Internationale Strafgerichtshof (IStGH), dessen Haupttätigkeit seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 2003 in der böswilligen Verfolgung schwarzafrikanischer Führer besteht, handelt auf Geheiß seiner politischen Kontrolleure und Zahlmeister und nimmt nun zur Abwechslung eine angesehene eurasische Persönlichkeit ins Visier der Justiz.

Beobachtern mit einer Aufmerksamkeitsspanne von mehr als fünfzehn Minuten (was die überwiegende Mehrheit in den verwirrten westlichen Ländern ausschließen würde) hätten sofort mehrere eklatante Anomalien im „Haftbefehl“ des IStGH auffallen müssen.

Der Haftbefehl basiert angeblich auf humanitärer Sorge um das Wohlergehen von Kindern, die angeblich illegal aus dem Donbass gebracht wurden. Die öffentliche Begründung der Gerichtsbeamten lässt jedoch weithin bekannte Fakten über die systematische Bombardierung von Zivilisten in Donezk und Lugansk seit 2014 außer Acht. Sie ignoriert die nachgewiesene Zahl der Todesopfer dieses Verbrechens, die sich auf mindestens 14.000 beläuft, darunter mehrere Tausend Kinder. Weder dieses offensichtliche Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit noch der Wunsch, die offensichtlichen Täter, die militärischen und politischen Strukturen des Kiewer Nazi-Regimes, zur Rechenschaft zu ziehen, scheinen bei den Überlegungen des Gerichts eine Rolle gespielt zu haben.

Warum eigentlich nicht? Wie kann die peinlich genaue Einhaltung der Bestimmungen der Genfer Konvention, die die Evakuierung der Zivilbevölkerung aus den von bewaffneten Konflikten betroffenen Gebieten vorschreibt (Artikel 49), als Grund für den Erlass eines Strafbefehls gelten, während der weit verbreitete, systematische und wahllose tödliche Beschuss von Zivilisten stillschweigend übergangen wird, ohne dass dies eine strafrechtliche Reaktion auslöst?

Im Übrigen kann eine weitere Frage auch im Hinblick auf eine andere, ebenso eklatante Anomalie gestellt werden. Warum wurden die angeblichen Gräueltaten in Bucha und Kramatorsk im vergangenen Jahr offenbar aus dem Gedächtnis gestrichen, um nun durch eine andere, offensichtlich erfundene Tat ersetzt zu werden? Warum sind die Vorfälle in Bucha und Kramatorsk, die zum Zeitpunkt ihres angeblichen Auftretens Gegenstand außerordentlicher Propagandakampagnen waren, plötzlich von der Bildfläche verschwunden, wenn es zu einer Anklage kommen sollte? Und das gerade dann, wenn sie als glaubwürdigste Grundlage für einen Haftbefehl hätten dienen können, vorausgesetzt, es gäbe jemals Beweise für diese Anschuldigungen? Könnte die Tatsache, dass beide Operationen unter falscher Flagge bereits im Anfangsstadium wirksam aufgedeckt wurden, etwas mit dieser seltsamen Zurückhaltung zu tun haben?

Wie inkompetent – oder politisch korrupt – muss ein Staatsanwalt sein, um auf einen vermeintlich eindeutigen Fall zu verzichten und stattdessen einen Fall zu verfolgen, der – um es freundlich auszudrücken – bestenfalls rechtlich zweifelhaft und höchst zweifelhaft ist? Diese Frage richtet sich natürlich an den Ankläger des IStGH, den kolonialen Lakaien und vollendeten Opportunisten Karim Khan.

Dem Teil der Öffentlichkeit, dessen Gehirn noch nicht von der Propaganda gebraten wurde, müssen zwei weitere Überlegungen vorgelegt werden. Wenn das Wohlergehen von Kindern für die ICC-Mitarbeiter an erster Stelle steht, was haben sie dann zu dem Tsunami von Berichten zu sagen, dass die Kiewer Junta, die verzweifelt versucht, ihren Vorrat an Kanonenfutter aufzufüllen, jetzt minderjährige Kinder festhält und entführt und sie praktisch ohne militärische Ausbildung in den Krieg schickt, wo sie eine geschätzte Lebenserwartung von etwa vier Stunden haben?

In Artikel 136 des Übereinkommens über die Rechte des Kindes heißt es eindeutig: „Kinder dürfen nicht für bewaffnete Kräfte oder bewaffnete Gruppen rekrutiert werden.“ Die Zusatzprotokolle I und II, das Statut des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs selbst und des Sondergerichtshofs für Sierra Leone legen das Mindestalter für die Rekrutierung in bewaffneten Streitkräften oder bewaffneten Gruppen auf 15 Jahre fest, ebenso wie die Konvention über die Rechte des Kindes. Sind die Ankläger des ICC in der Lage, die Vorschriften ihres eigenen Gerichts zu lesen, oder interessiert sie das überhaupt?

Sollten glaubwürdige Berichte über solche abscheulichen Praktiken, die zweifellos gegen internationale Übereinkommen über den Einsatz von Kindersoldaten verstoßen, nicht zumindest eine umfassende Untersuchung des IStGH rechtfertigen?

Eine ebenso schwerwiegende Frage stellt sich in Bezug auf die bevorstehende Lieferung von gefährlicher und verbotener Munition mit abgereichertem Uran durch Großbritannien an die Streitkräfte der ukrainischen Junta.

Im Gegensatz zu den Begründungen der britischen Regierung ist Munition mit abgereichertem Uran nachweislich schädlich für die Umwelt sowie für Menschen und alle Formen des belebten Lebens in der Nähe ihres Einschlags. Dazu gehören natürlich auch Kinder, die besonders gefährdet sind und genetische Deformationen sowie schmerzhafte und tödliche Krankheiten erleiden können. Die katastrophalen Auswirkungen des Einsatzes solcher Munition in Jugoslawien und im Irak wurden in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten eingehend untersucht und gut dokumentiert. Der ehemalige UN-Waffenkontrollinspektor Scott Ritter hat die Übel dieser Praxis professionell und kompetent aufgezeigt. Sie ist nach dem humanitären Völkerrecht verboten, und wenn sie zugelassen wird, stellt sie eine ernste Bedrohung für das Leben und die Gesundheit sowohl von Kindern als auch von Erwachsenen in der Ukraine dar. Wäre die Androhung von Haftbefehlen gegen die zuständigen Behörden im Vereinigten Königreich nicht eine angemessene Reaktion des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs angesichts einer potenziellen Katastrophe dieses Ausmaßes?

Es ist wichtig, darauf hinzuweisen, dass der Internationale Strafgerichtshof eine lineare Erweiterung des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs für das ehemalige Jugoslawien ist und dass sein Verhalten ohne Bezugnahme auf das Muster des gesetzlosen Verhaltens, das sein Vorbild zuvor an den Tag legte, nicht vollständig verstanden werden kann. In der Tat ist das Wort „Verhalten“ in diesem Fall angemessener als „Rechtsprechung“, da sich keiner der beiden Gerichtshöfe die Mühe gemacht hat, ein Rechtswerk und eine Rechtsauslegung im herkömmlichen Sinne zu entwickeln. Es spielt keine Rolle, dass das ICTY eine offensichtlich illegale Einrichtung ist, die unter Verstoß gegen die UN-Charta geschaffen wurde, während der ICC wohl ordnungsgemäß durch einen internationalen Vertrag gegründet wurde. In ihrer praktischen Arbeit haben beide als Werkzeuge der Arroganz der Macht globaler Hegemone gedient. Ihre gemeinsame Aufgabe bestand nicht darin, die Grundsätze des Völkerrechts aufrechtzuerhalten, sondern sie zu demontieren, um den kriminellen Unternehmungen der Hegemonen einen legalistischen Anstrich zu geben.

Es ist daher kaum verwunderlich, dass die absurde Begründung, die der IStGH für den Erlass von Haftbefehlen gegen russische Beamte wegen einer angeblich grob verwerflichen Handlung, nämlich der sicheren Evakuierung von Kindern aus dem Kriegsgebiet im Donbass, anführte, eine genaue Entsprechung im bisherigen Verhalten des berüchtigten Vorbilds des IStGH, des IStGHJ, hatte.

Kurz gesagt wurden die serbischen Angeklagten in den Srebrenica-Prozessen des ICTY routinemäßig eines schweren Verstoßes gegen das humanitäre Völkerrecht angeklagt, nämlich der Zwangsdeportation der Zivilbevölkerung. Mitte Juli 1995 fanden drei Treffen zwischen dem Kommandeur der UN-Schutztruppe in Srebrenica, Oberst Thom Karremans, und dem serbischen Kommandeur, General Ratko Mladic, statt, um das Problem der in einem nahe gelegenen Dorf versammelten zivilen Flüchtlinge zu erörtern. Von der serbischen Seite wurden vollständige Videoaufzeichnungen dieser Treffen angefertigt, die keinen Zweifel daran lassen, was tatsächlich geschehen ist. Obwohl die Videoaufnahmen eindeutig zeigen, dass Oberst Karremans zu Mladic kam, um ihm die Bitte des UN-Kommandos zu übermitteln, die Flüchtlinge in Sicherheit zu bringen und auf ein Gebiet zu bringen, auf dem keine militärischen Operationen stattfanden, beschuldigte die Anklage des ICTY Mladic, die Vertreibung und ethnische Säuberung der Flüchtlinge angeordnet zu haben. Tatsächlich kam General Mladic dem Ersuchen des UN-Kommandos nach, wozu er nach internationalem Recht verpflichtet war, da die Kämpfe um Srebrenica noch im Gange waren, und die Flüchtlinge wurden wie vereinbart ordnungsgemäß evakuiert.

Weil er in gutem Glauben gehandelt hatte, um Zivilisten in einer Konfliktzone zu schützen, wurde General Mladic unter anderem wegen Völkermordes und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, Deportation angeklagt.

Die entlastenden Videobeweise wurden dem Gericht nie in ihrer Gesamtheit vorgelegt. Lediglich aus dem Zusammenhang gerissene Ausschnitte, die den Anschein erweckten, dass sie die Anklage begünstigen, durften in die Beweisaufnahme aufgenommen werden. Die Live-Aussage von Oberst Karremans, der offensichtlich ein Schlüsselzeuge gewesen wäre, wurde von der Staatsanwaltschaft mit Duldung der Kammer auf Schritt und Tritt behindert. Technisch gesehen konnte den Richtern nicht vorgeworfen werden, dass sie Beweise, die ihnen nicht vorgelegt wurden, nicht berücksichtigten. Am Ende wuschen sie ihre Hände in Unschuld und zogen in aller Seelenruhe Schlussfolgerungen, die im Widerspruch zu den Tatsachen standen, jedoch mit schwerwiegenden Folgen für den Angeklagten.

Die russischen Zielpersonen der ICC-Haftbefehle werden sich natürlich nie in der Lage von General Mladic befinden. Doch der Cowboy-Stil der korrupten Verfahren des ICTY, der von seinem späteren Klon, dem ICC, vollständig übernommen wurde, gibt einen Vorgeschmack auf das, was jeden erwartet, der das Pech hat, in seine Fänge zu geraten.

Der ICC ist, wie sein Vorläufer ICTY, eine Schande für das Recht in all seinen zivilisierten Formen. Die Vertragsparteien sollten aufgefordert werden, sich aus dem ICC zurückzuziehen, solange es ihnen noch möglich ist, eine Blamage durch Assoziierung zu vermeiden.

https://uncutnews.ch/icc-ueberschreitet-unwiderruflich-die-grenze-des-rechtliche…

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The call for parties to withdraw from the ICC, while allowing them to avoid potential embarrassment associated with the institution, is an interesting proposition. It suggests a level of skepticism regarding the credibility and fairness of the ICC's proceedings.

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